red on soc/media-पहले स्त्रीयो को army permitted नही थी it's wrong especially-Indian सनातन perspective रामायन काल ने योध्दा विद्वान दोनो जगह थी फीर आता है medival period- घोड़े पर स्वार होकर हाथ मे तलवार लेकर युध्द सज्ज होना it's kind of army -समय के साथ नाम बदल जानेपर situation नही बदलती,unless untill human existence-सुरक्षा करनी सीखनी ही पडती है नही तो अस्तित्व खतरे मे आता है simple उदा-जगल मे रहनेवाले को प्रकृती से भी खतरा हो सकता है even छोटे जाव काटे भी तो मरना तर है और आजकल जो modern tools quick available है पर जब ईतनी प्रगत नही था ईन्सान तो दिमाग situation समय even atmosphere को भापकर did war,independence समय.भी स्त्री स्वतंत्रता मे contribute किया है जब constitution लिखा उस committee मे woman were there, फीर after independence between this 70yr कहना पड रहा है..why

In conclusion of this chapter, it can be stated that, at the political level, the Lahore Declaration and the CBMs constituted a justified long-term approach and an attempt to bring about reconciliation. After the 1972 Shimla Agreement, the Lahore Declaration proved to be the next turning point in Indo–Pak relations, made possible by the two nations going nuclear. How much of the proxy war was discussed by political leaders, External Affairs Ministry officials and Track- 2 diplomats with their Pakistan counterparts prior to signing of the declaration, other than what has been described earlier, was not known to the Army. But there were high expectations of reduction, if not termination of, crossborder terrorism and the proxy war itself. There was a kind of political anticipation in the air that one feared could lead to all-round complacency. On 2 May 1999, I gave a planned interview to a journalist, in which I stated: ‘The recent Lahore Declaration has not in any way changed

The strategic environment, as expected, is changing fast and remains fluid. I would like to draw your attention to major factors evident in the last one year. These are (a) assertion and unilateralism of the post-Cold War era and (b) aftermath of nuclear and missile testing by India and Pakistan. The post- Cold War trend in coercive diplomacy, and even use of force, to assert and take unilateral action without UN approval and thus impinge on the sovereignty of weaker nations is on the increase. We have many examples of such happenings in the past one year. Other military and non-military pressures that have been displayed are (a) encouragement of secessionist elements, or proxy war, as [a] political instrument, (b) ready sale or transfer of arms and military equipment to secessionist elements, or [to] neighbours fighting with each other, or [to] a generally strife-prone area, (c) technological and financial sanctions, (d) attempts to politically isolate nations which do not…

February: Five police personnel were abducted from their post in Kupwara district and later shot dead. In the Kokernag area of Anantnag district, terrorists blew up a bus carrying soldiers in a land- mine blast, killing five of them. 16 March: In Ganderbal, a group of six armed terrorists attacked police barracks and fired indiscriminately, killing at least three policemen and injuring many more. 28 March: A group of foreign mercenaries entered a house in the Poonch district and killed three young boys in front of their father, after chopping off his nose and one ear. In Anantnag town, terrorists lobbed a grenade into a crowded area, injuring twenty-eight people, including nine women. 20 April: Five persons were killed and twenty-nine others sustained injuries in an IED explosion at a shopping complex in Rajouri. In the Baramulla district, heavily armed terrorists intruded into a house and shot dead four members of a family. 29/30April: Nine civilians were killed in indiscri

lost control and the militants had become more popular than the elected representatives in the state. The elected chief minister, Dr Farooq Abdullah, resigned in January 1990. Governor's rule was imposed, which, as per the constitutional requirement, became president's rule in June 1990. The Army deployment started in April 1990, initially as an aid to civil authorities for maintenance of law and order. In July 1990, the complete valley and a 20-km belt along the LoC in Poonch and Rajouri districts were declared ‘disturbed areas’ and the Armed Forces Special Power Act (J&K), 1990, was promulgated. More Army units were inducted for counterinfiltration and counterinsurgency operations and also to restore normalcy. The ISI, however, continued to provide the militants with an assortment of sophisticated weapons, in addition to training and financial support. Over the years, many militant groups mushroomed. Of these, a majority were pro-Pakistan, with the JKLF and the Peoples’

The Situation after the Lahore Declaration A lot has been written about Pakistan Army chief General Pervez Musharraf's hesitation to greet Atal Behari Vajpayee during the latter's bus journey to Lahore. With ‘Operation Badr’ underway, it must have been difficult for him to indulge in doublespeak. As mentioned earlier, soon after the signing of the Lahore Declaration, he flew across the LoC in a helicopter to meet the ‘advance elements’ participating in ‘Operation Badr’. This was a significant act of personal ‘daring’, which would have ensured that the Pakistan Army personnel understood his mind correctly and would not get carried away by the Lahore Declaration. On the day the Lahore Declaration was signed, violence erupted in that city. The jehadi elements (Jamaat-e-Islami), which have had a long-standing alliance with the Pakistan military, started riots in many parts of the city to protest against the Vajpayee visit. 2 Indian military intelligence also intercepted seve

The Proxy War and the Lahore Declaration Documents and diaries captured during the war have revealed that the Pakistan military had already put into motion the battle procedure for the Kargil war (Operation Badr, the Pakistani codename for the Kargil operation), as an extension of the proxy war, before the Lahore Declaration was signed by the two prime ministers. 1 The proxy war in Jammu and Kashmir had been initiated by Pakistan soon after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in the late 1980s. By working in collusion with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States of America, Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Army had gained valuable experience in waging guerilla warfare. The ISI stepped up its efforts to subvert Kashmiri youth towards the end of the 1980s. Many young men were covertly exfiltrated to Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir through a porous LoC for religious indoctrination and arms training as was done in Afghanistan. These traine

Baramulla, Sopore, Srinagar, Badgam and Anantnag. Paramilitary troops were deployed to assist the civil authorities and civil police in maintaining law and order. After 1997, Pakistan started focusing on the Muslim population in the interior areas of Poonch, Rajouri, Naushera and Doda districts. The proxy war was probably spread to these areas in a bid to make up for the lack of success in the valley and to trigger off a Hindu exodus from all Muslim-dominated areas. This situation resulted in an increased commitment of 16 Corps located south of the Pir Panjal range. Additional troops had to be inducted. Firing across the international border/LoC escalated. But both India and Pakistan continued to exercise restraint on using artillery in this zone. That was not the case in the area north of the Pir Panjal range, which was the responsibility of 15 Corps. The infiltration attempts and violent incidents in the Kashmir Valley declined comparatively, but the frequency and intens

The international flak faced by both India and Pakistan and the imposition of sanctions on both countries engendered a new sense of responsibility in New Delhi as well as in Islamabad. The powers that be realized the non-viability of an all-out war in future. All these factors had a positive impact on the political leadership of both nations. In the next few months, direct and back-door diplomacy between India and Pakistan became hyperactive, which resulted in the Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's historic bus journey to Lahore and the signing of the Lahore Declaration with Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on 20–21 February 1999. In the declaration, both prime ministers recognized that the nuclear dimension had added ‘to their responsibility for avoiding a conflict between the two countries’. They also reiterated their determination ‘to implementing [sic] of [the] Shimla Agreement in letter and spirit’ and agreed ‘to intensify their efforts to resolve all i

The Kargil War, fought in the high-altitude region of Kargil, was a direct result of Pakistani forces infiltrating Indian-administered Kashmir. India launched Operation Vijay, a military operation that successfully pushed back the Pakistani forces and recaptured the occupied areas.